The authors trace the evolution of relations between French and African universities since decolonization. Initiated with Senegal in 1957, the cooperation dates back to the 1950s. It now extends to universities in Morocco, Tunisia, South Africa, Uganda, and Mozambique. Exchanges take place within the framework of Erasmus+ at the European level, but the most fertile projects are concluded directly between universities, within the framework of programs such as “Entreprendre en Afrique” and projects such as “DISCOM”. These initiatives adopt global approaches integrating collaborative research and educational innovation. They are mainly intended to promote the creation of enterprises by African youth in order to better exploit local resources and develop their skills in the trades sought by international investors. Another priority of the cooperation is to train Africans in specialties that contribute to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), including SDG 1 (“No poverty”), SDG 2 (“Zero hunger”), SDG 5 (Gender equality), SDG 8 (Decent work and economic growth), SDG 10 (Reduced inequalities and social inclusion) and SDG 13 (Climate action). Cooperation is thus put in place to help Africa achieve the objectives of local development plans, as in the case of Senegal, with the Plan Sénégal Émergent (PSE) which aims in its Axis 1 (the structural transformation of the economy and growth) and its Axis 2 (the improvement of human capital, social protection, and sustainable development). Cooperation is generally based on project management involving all stakeholders, adapted to the local context and governed by balanced and proactive governance. The authors observe that, despite the health, security, and economic crises, North-South cooperation is developing, particularly under the aegis of the Agence Universitaire de la Francophonie (AUF), whose objective is to promote training in higher education through apprenticeship and professional integration.  The authors are teacher-researchers who have completed their studies in France and are engaged in research and teaching in African countries. Jean-Jacques Pluchart

Pierre Dagbo Godé presents an ambitious program of policy reform for African countries, based on the liberal theories of Friedrich Hayek (Austrian school) and Milton Friedman (Chicago school). He strives to adapt these theories to the structural and cultural peculiarities of African countries. Beyond the principles, he applies to present concrete cases of countries in a situation of success or failure. He notes that most of them had to free themselves after the Second World War, with more or less success, from colonization by European states, which have set up for more than two centuries “rentier economies” based on the exploitation of natural resources, especially for the benefit of local elites. The author advocates applying the principle of “laissez-faire” and limiting the roles of the State, both as “arbiter and strategist”, to the exercise of justice, respect for public safety, and the fight against social inequalities. Institutions must be stable and borders must be sufficiently open to promote trade between Africans and with third countries. Imports should not replace local production and exports should finance infrastructure and assist the most disadvantaged populations. States must also prohibit monopolies and promote competition between local and foreign companies. They must supervise the informal economy without eradicating it because it is the breeding ground for tomorrow’s SMEs/SMIs. They must therefore practice “smart protectionism”.  They must avoid any centralization of power, authoritarian planning, excessive bureaucratization, endemic corruption, and arbitrary intervention in the markets. To support economic development, states must guide, in conjunction with foreign universities and NGOs, education and training in the most job-creating professions, such as computer science and artificial intelligence. Pierre Dagbo Godé cites Rwanda, Botswana, Zambia, Kenya, and Uganda as the most committed countries. The author also advocates for pan-African unions, better market integration, and more mobility of workers from one country to another. He analyzes the progress – which he considers still insufficient – of African banking and the Development Assistance Bank (ADB). He compares the actions of the AfCFTA (African Free Trade Area), the ECOWAS (West African Community), the SADC (Southern African Community) and the COMESA (East African Community). These associations have promoted trade by limiting tariff and non-tariff barriers. The book reflects the conviction of its author, according to which Africa, rich in its youth and its natural resources, can find in the principles of economic liberalism the keys to its future. Pierre Dagbo Godé is an Ivorian politician, and the author of several economic and political works. J-J.  PLUCHART

Africa must emerge from its dyptych. The transition between a conquering Russia, an uninhibited and determined African youth, and a declining imperialist, marks an opportunity for Africa to free itself from the futuristic slogan and rediscover its ancient governance by dealing with the BRICS. The author suggests 4 facets to delegitimize African powers. In order to respond to ecological issues, the demands of peoples, political and institutional orientations, the author advocates environmental, popular, political sovereignty and the ethos of yesterday’s solidarities. He illustrates his audit with the case of ECOWAS, whose extinction is inevitable, if it does not revise the fundamentals of its sovereignty. “He defends the idea that Africa can emerge from dependence and become master of its destiny. He criticizes neoliberalism and the withdrawal of Pan-Africanism.” From dependence to sovereignty, what impact at the intra-African financial level and with one of the flagship countries of the EU and with two giants of the BRICS? With one, a need to turn away from an instrument of inertia of the African economies of the franc zone. With the other two, a legitimate choice to conquer monetary sovereignty. In order to allow Africa to be an actor in all the levers of the financial mechanisms of their country. The reader learns about the three options for a new African currency, its deployment, and its roadmap for its implementation. In conclusion, the author proposes two levers: neo-sovereignty, via the asymmetry of North-African trade relations, which must find pragmatic answers. And, neo-protectionism, sector by sector, which I invite you to discover by reading this visionary work. Kako Nubukpo, is an economist and director of the Sub-Saharan Africa Observatory of the Jean Jaurès Foundation. Chronique de Pona SAMNIK

The book exposes the new hopes of African youth, which covers 40% of the continent’s population. It is written by the president of the Pan-African Movement of Leaders (MPL), which is represented in 47 countries in Africa and the African diaspora. The MPL is a political and cultural movement for the emancipation of Africans and African-Americans, respectful of democratic values and open to international cooperation. It was created in 1900 at the London conference by Sylvester Williams and Marcus Garvey. It accompanied the decolonization of African countries, especially after the 1958 referendum on membership in the French Community. It became known through the writings of Senghor, Césaire, and Diop, and the actions of the Black Lives Panthers. The author notes that Africa has experienced many vicissitudes since the post-war period that have compromised its unity despite the creation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The governments of the states have divided into two main movements, the “Casablanca bloc”, of rather ideological obedience, and the “Monrovia bloc” of rather economic tendency, which the MPL claims. In 2023, the latter took stock of its (uneven) action since 2013 and set an ambitious “Agenda 2063”. Its project aims primarily to avoid the “African brain drain” and to promote employment on the continent. It advocates the development of youth skills in technologies and the digital and computer economy (AI, robotics, blockchain, etc.), as well as in industries and services oriented towards sustainable development. The “2063 Agenda” includes a financial component. The author proposes to capture – through various financial instruments and financial and fiscal incentives – a fraction of the savings of African households, transfers from the diaspora (about $40 billion per year) and international investments, in order to develop education and the creation of companies (start-ups, platforms, consulting, etc.).  The author analyzes AI applications that could be useful to African states in health, agriculture, education, defense, and security. Reading the book helps to shed light on the current debate on wokism and woke culture through concrete proposals, both economic and social in nature. Landing BLAYE is a teacher-researcher in geo-strategy and president of the MPL. He was a parliamentary assistant in Senegal. Note by Jean-Jacques Pluchart

The book deals with a topical issue due to the questioning of development aid initiated by the United States and the reorientation of the French policy of cooperation and development aid. The author has mainly tried to objectively analyze the strengths and weaknesses of the development aid policy. The author declines this problem in its multiple dimensions, historical, economic, cultural, geopolitical, and philosophical. It shows in particular that it responds to the principles of “donation -against donation” theorized by Marcel Mauss.  Development aid for developing and emerging countries covers various actions that meet the 3D principles (Diplomacy, Defense, Development). It comes in the form of donations, loans to states and companies in the countries that issue and benefit from industrial projects, infrastructure and services, including health and cultural services, teaching and research missions (especially related to the Francophonie), but also the protection of nationals, the reception of migrants, military interventions, etc.  France’s policy has evolved a lot since 1945, depending on diplomatic relations with the countries of the French Community and then with all the countries of the global South.  It was first devoted to the establishment of institutions (on the French model), basic industrial equipment (accompanied by “national champions”) and infrastructure in the former colonies, then gradually oriented towards multilateral projects in favor of emerging economies, including China, Turkey, Brazil, etc. The share of donations has been reduced in favor of subsidized loans that now cover more than 80% of aid. The “Françafrique” system set up by Jacques Foccart, under the presidencies of General de Gaulle and Georges Pompidou, has been replaced by various forms of cooperation and partnership: “aid-sanction”, “aid-blackmail”, but above all, “aid-compensation”, with counterparts in the form of access to natural and/or food resources, but also votes in the UN and the WTO.  France, like most other industrial states, has sought to establish “win-win” relationships with the beneficiary countries, based on acceptable return on investment times. The French budget for cooperation has varied according to the political parties in power, to settle on average at 1% of GDP (excluding overseas departments and territories).  The “evaporation rate” of aid (for the benefit of local elites and consulting firms) fluctuated between 40% and… 100%.  The implementation of the projects has mobilized a growing number of actors: heads of state (cooperation is a reserved presidential domain), ministries of cooperation, foreign affairs, economy, industry, cultural affairs, the French Development Agency, COFACE, large companies, engineering firms, banks, NGOs, etc. Their coordination was mainly provided by former students of the National School of France Overseas, then the ENA and the INSP. The book is well structured, documented, and written. It is enriched with case studies and dialogues (sometimes tragicomic) between heads of state. Reading it allows us to better understand the decline of France’s influence in Africa, invested by diplomats, commercial advisers and/or the armies of the United States, Russia, China, and India. It indirectly allows a better understanding of the facade strategy adopted by the new American presidency. Philippe MARCHESIN is a teacher – researcher at the University of Paris I and author of numerous books and articles on international cooperation. Note by J-J. Pluchart